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Surveillance Under the USA PATRIOT Act
What is the USA PATRIOT Act?
Just six weeks after the September 11 attacks,
a panicked Congress passed the "USA/Patriot Act," an overnight
revision of the nation's surveillance laws that vastly expanded
the government's authority to spy on its own citizens, while simultaneously
reducing checks and balances on those powers like judicial oversight,
public accountability, and the ability to challenge government
searches in court.
Why Congress passed the Patriot Act
Most of the changes to surveillance law made by
the Patriot Act were part of a longstanding law enforcement wish
list that had been previously rejected by Congress, in some cases
repeatedly. Congress reversed course because it was bullied into
it by the Bush Administration in the frightening weeks after the
September 11 attack.
The Senate version of the Patriot Act, which closely
resembled the legislation requested by Attorney General John Ashcroft,
was sent straight to the floor with no discussion, debate, or
hearings. Many Senators complained that they had little chance
to read it, much less analyze it, before having to vote. In the
House, hearings were held, and a carefully constructed compromise
bill emerged from the Judiciary Committee. But then, with no debate
or consultation with rank-and-file members, the House leadership
threw out the compromise bill and replaced it with legislation
that mirrored the Senate version. Neither discussion nor amendments
were permitted, and once again members barely had time to read
the thick bill before they were forced to cast an up-or-down vote
on it. The Bush Administration implied that members who voted
against it would be blamed for any further attacks - a powerful
threat at a time when the nation was expecting a second attack
to come any moment and when reports of new anthrax letters were
appearing daily.
Congress and the Administration acted without
any careful or systematic effort to determine whether weaknesses
in our surveillance laws had contributed to the attacks, or whether
the changes they were making would help prevent further attacks.
Indeed, many of the act's provisions have nothing at all to do
with terrorism.
The Patriot Act increases the governments
surveillance powers in four areas
The Patriot Act increases the governments surveillance
powers in four areas:
- Records searches. It expands the government's
ability to look at records on an individual's activity being
held by a third parties. (Section 215)
- Secret searches. It expands the government's
ability to search private property without notice to the owner.
(Section 213)
- Intelligence searches. It expands a narrow
exception to the Fourth Amendment that had been created for
the collection of foreign intelligence information (Section
218).
- "Trap and trace" searches. It expands another
Fourth Amendment exception for spying that collects "addressing"
information about the origin and destination of communications,
as opposed to the content (Section 214).
1. Expanded access to personal records
held by third parties
One of the most significant provisions of the
Patriot Act makes it far easier for the authorities to gain access
to records of citizens' activities being held by a third party.
At a time when computerization is leading to the creation of more
and more such records, Section 215 of the Patriot Act allows the
FBI to force anyone at all - including doctors, libraries, bookstores,
universities, and Internet service providers - to turn over records
on their clients or customers.
Unchecked power
The result is unchecked government power to rifle through
individuals' financial records, medical histories, Internet usage,
bookstore purchases, library usage, travel patterns, or any other
activity that leaves a record. Making matters worse:
- The government no longer has to show evidence
that the subjects of search orders are an "agent of a foreign
power," a requirement that previously protected Americans against
abuse of this authority.
- The FBI does not even have to show a reasonable
suspicion that the records are related to criminal activity,
much less the requirement for "probable cause" that is listed
in the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution. All the government
needs to do is make the broad assertion that the request is
related to an ongoing terrorism or foreign intelligence investigation.
- Judicial oversight of these new powers is essentially
non-existent. The government must only certify to a judge -
with no need for evidence or proof - that such a search meets
the statute's broad criteria, and the judge does not even have
the authority to reject the application.
- Surveillance orders can be based in part on
a person's First Amendment activities, such as the books they
read, the Web sites they visit, or a letter to the editor they
have written.
- A person or organization forced to turn over
records is prohibited from disclosing the search to anyone.
As a result of this gag order, the subjects of surveillance
never even find out that their personal records have been examined
by the government. That undercuts an important check and balance
on this power: the ability of individuals to challenge illegitimate
searches.
Why the Patriot Act's expansion of records
searches is unconstitutional
Section 215 of the Patriot Act violates the Constitution
in several ways. It:
- Violates the Fourth Amendment, which says the
government cannot conduct a search without obtaining a warrant
and showing probable cause to believe that the person has committed
or will commit a crime.
- Violates the First Amendment's guarantee of
free speech by prohibiting the recipients of search orders from
telling others about those orders, even where there is no real
need for secrecy.
- Violates the First Amendment by effectively
authorizing the FBI to launch investigations of American citizens
in part for exercising their freedom of speech.
- Violates the Fourth Amendmentby failing to
provide notice - even after the fact - to persons whose privacy
has been compromised. Notice is also a key element of due process,
which is guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment.
2. More secret searches
For centuries, common law has required that the
government can't go into your property without telling you, and
must therefore give you notice before it executes a search. That
"knock and announce" principle has long been recognized as a part
of the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution.
The Patriot Act, however, unconstitutionally amends
the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure to allow the government
to conduct searches without notifying the subjects, at least until
long after the search has been executed. This means that the government
can enter a house, apartment or office with a search warrant when
the occupants are away, search through their property, take photographs,
and in some cases even seize property - and not tell them until
later.
Notice is a crucial check on the government's
power because it forces the authorities to operate in the open,
and allows the subject of searches to protect their Fourth Amendment
rights. For example, it allows them to point out irregularities
in a warrant, such as the fact that the police are at the wrong
address, or that the scope of the warrant is being exceeded (for
example, by rifling through dresser drawers in a search for a
stolen car). Search warrants often contain limits on what may
be searched, but when the searching officers have complete and
unsupervised discretion over a search, a property owner cannot
defend his or her rights.
Finally, this new "sneak and peek" power can be
applied as part of normal criminal investigations; it has nothing
to do with fighting terrorism or collecting foreign intelligence.
3. Expansion of the intelligence exception
in wiretap law
Under the Patriot Act, the FBI can secretly conduct
a physical search or wiretap on American citizens to obtain evidence
of crime without proving probable cause, as the Fourth Amendment
explicitly requires.
A 1978 law called the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Act (FISA) created an exception to the Fourth Amendment's requirement
for probable cause when the purpose of a wiretap or search was
to gather foreign intelligence. The rationale was that since the
search was not conducted for the purpose of gathering evidence
to put someone on trial, the standards could be loosened. In a
stark demonstration of why it can be dangerous to create exceptions
to fundamental rights, however, the Patriot Act expanded this
once-narrow exception to cover wiretaps and searches that DO collect
evidence for regular domestic criminal cases. FISA previously
allowed searches only if the primary purpose was to gather foreign
intelligence. But the Patriot Act changes the law to allow searches
when "a significant purpose" is intelligence. That lets the government
circumvent the Constitution's probable cause requirement even
when its main goal is ordinary law enforcement.
The eagerness of many in law enforcement to dispense
with the requirements of the Fourth Amendment was revealed in
August 2002 by the secret court that oversees domestic intelligence
spying (the "FISA Court"). Making public one of its opinions for
the first time in history, the court revealed that it had rejected
an attempt by the Bush Administration to allow criminal prosecutors
to use intelligence warrants to evade the Fourth Amendment entirely.
The court also noted that agents applying for warrants had regularly
filed false and misleading information. That opinion is now on
appeal.
4. Expansion of the "pen register" exception
in wiretap law
Another exception to the normal requirement for
probable cause in wiretap law is also expanded by the Patriot
Act. Years ago, when the law governing telephone wiretaps was
written, a distinction was created between two types of surveillance.
The first allows surveillance of the content or meaning of a communication,
and the second only allows monitoring of the transactional or
addressing information attached to a communication. It is like
the difference between reading the address printed on the outside
of a letter, and reading the letter inside, or listening to a
phone conversation and merely recording the phone numbers dialed
and received.
Wiretaps limited to transactional or addressing
information are known as "Pen register/trap and trace" searches
(for the devices that were used on telephones to collect telephone
numbers). The requirements for getting a PR/TT warrant are essentially
non-existent: the FBI need not show probable cause or even reasonable
suspicion of criminal activity. It must only certify to a judge
- without having to prove it - that such a warrant would be "relevant"
to an ongoing criminal investigation. And the judge does not even
have the authority to reject the application.
The Patriot Act broadens the pen register exception
in two ways:
"Nationwide" pen register warrants
Under the Patriot Act PR/TT orders issued by a judge
are no longer valid only in that judge's jurisdiction, but can
be made valid anywhere in the United States. This "nationwide
service" further marginalizes the role of the judiciary, because
a judge cannot meaningfully monitor the extent to which his or
her order is being used. In addition, this provision authorizes
the equivalent of a blank warrant: the court issues the order,
and the law enforcement agent fills in the places to be searched.
That is a direct violation of the Fourth Amendment's explicit
requirement that warrants be written "particularly describing
the place to be searched."
Pen register searches applied to the Internet
The Patriot Act applies the distinction between transactional
and content-oriented wiretaps to the Internet. The problem is
that it takes the weak standards for access to transactional data
and applies them to communications that are far more than addresses.
On an e-mail message, for example, law enforcement has interpreted
the "header" of a message to be transactional information accessible
with a PR/TT warrant. But in addition to routing information,
e-mail headers include the subject line, which is part of the
substance of a communication - on a letter, for example, it would
clearly be inside the envelope.
The government also argues that the transactional
data for Web surfing is a list of the URLs or Web site addresses
that a person visits. For example, it might record the fact that
they visited "www.aclu.org" at 1:15 in the afternoon, and then
skipped over to "www.fbi.gov" at 1:30. This claim that URLs are
just addressing data breaks down in two different ways:
- Web addresses are rich and revealing content.
The URLs or "addresses" of the Web pages we read are not really
addresses, they are the titles of documents that we download
from the Internet. When we "visit" a Web page what we are really
doing is downloading that page from the Internet onto our computer,
where it is displayed. Therefore, the list of URLs that we visit
during a Web session is really a list of the documents we have
downloaded - no different from a list of electronic books we
might have purchased online. That is much richer information
than a simple list of the people we have communicated with;
it is intimate information that reveals who we are and what
we are thinking about - much more like the content of a phone
call than the number dialed. After all, it is often said that
reading is a "conversation" with the author.
- Web addresses contain communications sent by
a surfer. URLs themselves often have content embedded within
them. A search on the Google search engine, for example, creates
a page with a custom-generated URL that contains material that
is clearly private content, such as: http://www.google.com/search?hl=en&lr=&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&q=sexual+orientation
Similarly, if I fill out an online form - to purchase
goods or register my preferences, for example - those products
and preferences will often be identified in the resulting URL.
The erosion of accountability
Attempts to find out how the new surveillance
powers created by the Patriot Act were implemented during their
first year were in vain. In June 2002 the House Judiciary Committee
demanded that the Department of Justice answer questions about
how it was using its new authority. The Bush/Ashcroft Justice
Department essentially refused to describe how it was implementing
the law; it left numerous substantial questions unanswered, and
classified others without justification. In short, not only has
the Bush Administration undermined judicial oversight of government
spying on citizens by pushing the Patriot Act into law, but it
is also undermining another crucial check and balance on surveillance
powers: accountability to Congress and the public.
Non-surveillance provisions
Although this fact sheet focuses on the direct
surveillance provisions of the Patriot Act, citizens should be
aware that the act also contains a number of other provisions.
The Act:
- Puts CIA back in business of spying on Americans.
The Patriot Act gives the Director of Central Intelligence the
power to identify domestic intelligence requirements. That opens
the door to the same abuses that took place in the 1970s and
before, when the CIA engaged in widespread spying on protest
groups and other Americans.
- Creates a new crime of "domestic terrorism."
The Patriot Act transforms protesters into terrorists if they
engage in conduct that "involves acts dangerous to human life"
to "influence the policy of a government by intimidation or
coercion." How long will it be before an ambitious or politically
motivated prosecutor uses the statute to charge members of controversial
activist groups like Operation Rescue or Greenpeace with terrorism?
Under the Patriot Act, providing lodging or assistance to such
"terrorists" exposes a person to surveillance or prosecution.
Furthermore, the law gives the attorney general and the secretary
of state the power to detain or deport any non-citizen who belongs
to or donates money to one of these broadly defined "domestic
terrorist" groups.
- Allows for the indefinite detention of non-citizens.
The Patriot Act gives the attorney general unprecedented new
power to determine the fate of immigrants. The attorney general
can order detention based on a certification that he or she
has "reasonable grounds to believe" a non-citizen endangers
national security. Worse, if the foreigner does not have a country
that will accept them, they can be detained indefinitely without
trial.
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